Opening Statements

Washington, D.C. – U.S. Representative Mike Rogers (R-AL), Chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, delivered the following opening remarks at a hearing on the U.S. military posture and national security challenges in the Indo-Pacific region. 
 
Chairman Rogers' remarks as prepared for delivery: 
 
Today, we continue our posture hearings with INDOPACOM and U.S. Forces Korea.
 
I want to thank our witnesses for being here and for their service to our nation.
 
Last week, China carried out large-scale military exercises off Taiwan’s coast.
 
China practiced assaulting maritime and ground targets, and cutting Taiwan off from the world.
 
This is not new.
 
In recent years, China has increased the size, scope, and complexity of its drills around Taiwan.
 
As Admiral Paparo has said, these are not exercises. 
 
They are rehearsals for forced reunification.
 
And these rehearsals are backed by real capability: China now has the world’s largest Navy—and a shipbuilding capacity over 200 times greater than our own; it’s rapidly expanding its nuclear arsenal and is expected to double its warheads by 2030; and China leads the world in hypersonic missile systems; China’s growing defense budget shows it isn’t slowing down.
 
Last month, it announced a 7.2% increase in defense spending—the fourth straight year above 7%.
 
Its military modernization is also being assisted by Moscow.
 
In return for supporting Putin’s war machine, China is receiving advanced submarine, missile, and nuclear technology.
 
China is also working closely with Iran and North Korea to further its effort to undermine American influence and alliances around the world. 
 
We cannot let them succeed. 
 
Yet, year after year, the billions in INDOPACOM’s unfunded priorities have shown we’re not giving our warfighters the tools they need to deter China.
 
This must change.
 
China is our pacing threat—and our defense investments must reflect that. 
 
We must: Fund GUAM missile defense as part of President Trump’s Golden Dome Initiative; boost our ability to blind Chinese forces, while hardening our command and control; refill our munitions stockpiles, especially long-range fires; expand the production of attritable unmanned systems to create the “Hellscape” Admiral Paparo envisions; and rebuild and modernize U.S. shipbuilding capabilities.
 
Delivering these capabilities will take serious investment. That’s why I’m pushing for increased spending on our military, including through a reconciliation process with robust defense funding.
 
Ultimately, deterring China is not something we should do alone. 
 
As Secretary Hegseth said during his recent trip to the region: “America First does not mean America alone.” 
 
He’s right. 
 
That’s why I supported the upgrade of U.S. Forces Japan to a Joint Force Headquarters.
 
It will strengthen our combined deterrence and response capabilities with Japan.
 
We must also accelerate AUKUS, especially efforts to field cutting-edge, interoperable systems.
 
And we need more co-production, co-development, and co-sustainment with our regional allies and partners.
 
We also must deliver weapons and training to Taiwan faster.
 
That’s why I strongly supported the Taiwan Security Cooperation Initiative in last year’s NDAA.
 
And I intend to authorize it at robust levels again this year.
 
We know Xi has instructed the PLA to be ready for operations against Taiwan by 2027.
 
However, I don't believe he has yet decided whether to pursue unification by force.
 
Our job is to make sure Xi knows a cross-Strait invasion would be too costly—and ultimately futile.
 
While China is our primary strategic adversary, North Korea remains a growing threat.
 
In October 2024, Kim tested a new ICBM that could strike the U.S. homeland while carrying multiple nuclear warheads.
 
I’m concerned these advances will accelerate as Kim strengthens his ties with Putin.
Especially given North Korea has supplied Russia with millions of shells and thousands of troops—Putin owes him.
 
I look forward to hearing from our witnesses on how we can reestablish deterrence against the threats posed by China and North Korea—and what they need from this committee to do it.